MI6 Building - Cadman - flickr |
The ongoing controversy surrounding the metropolitan
police's MI6 torture investigation was finally given a face last week, as the
two men currently accusing the British security services, Sami al Saadi and
Abdel Hakim Belhadj, named Sir Mark Allen as the senior officer responsible
for orchestrating their torture in
Gaddafi's Libya in 2004.
Two fresh allegations have now developed from the discovered
files of the defected ex-Libyan Intelligence Agency Chief Moussa Koussa.
Embarrassingly, the revelation of the first British name comes less than three
weeks since the investigation into MI6's conduct began, and coincides with the
Ministry of Justice's attempts to request the controversial 'closedmaterial procedure' on sensitive case evidence, as was debated for the
torture claims surrounding Bisher Al Rawi.
The accused, Sir Mark Allen, headed up the Secret Intelligence Service counter-terrorism unit in 2003/4, but resigned in 2004 after a failed
bid to become head of MI6, moving to do lucrative work for BP in the Middle
East. Despite his opposition of the Iraq war and the replacement head of MI6,
Sir Mark was rumoured to be behind many secret deals with Libya, such as the release of Lockerbie bomber Abdelbaset Al-Megrahi in August 2009. As the first such
individual to be accused in the otherwise faceless torture investigation, he is
expected to face a civil action for damages. Thus far he has declined to comment.
The new damning evidence has already drawn considerableinterest from civil rights campaigners. A letter from March 2004, allegedly
from Sir Mark Allen himself, congratulates the Libyan Intelligence Agency on
the safe arrival of Mr Belhadj and declares 'the intelligence on Abu Abd Allah
[Mr Belhadj] was British.' Mr Belhadj, who now is now a commander for the
Libyan rebels, claims his pregnant wife and children were included in the
rendition to Gaddafi's Libya, away from international law, and that he was tied
by the wrists and beaten whilst in the infamous Tajoura prison.
What will be the implications? Whilst the coalition has some
insulation from the accusations on the grounds that the torture allegedly took
place under a previous government, this is unlikely to be a distinction that
will be noted in the international community. Complicity in torture (and
collaboration with Gaddafi) is a stain that if true, will taint the reputation
of Britain in general rather than that of a single party, despite the best
public relations efforts to the contrary. As the current head of MI6, Sir John
Sawers, declared in the service's official statement,
MI6 will try to 'deal with the allegations' so that the UK can 'draw a line
under them', but secret torture is a subject well suited to lasting
international and media outrage.
A wounded prisoner of war inside a rebel run jail in Misrata, Libya © jeromestarkey: flickr |
In terms of foreign policy, the National Transitional
Council are of course financially indebted to western allies and with Britain
now politically invested in the 'new' Libya's success it is unlikely that the
issue of past torture will truly drive a wedge between the two. However, expect
the timing to cause considerable
diplomatic embarrassment and limit the opportunities of the current British
government to trumpet the 'success' of their intervention into Libya. Mr
Belhadj made the situation acutely awkward in a statement
issued to Sky News, in which he insisted that the UK and Libya's future foreign
relationship must 'start on a good footing' but requires 'justice for the
crimes of the past.'
Ironically, the only partial saving grace for the British
reputation may well result from the 'new' Libya's own improper conduct and
alleged torture. Last week saw another embarrassing scandal emerge as U.N. human
rights chief Navi Pillay and Amnesty International have both claimed to have
evidence of ex-Gadaffi loyalists being whipped and beaten by prison guards
working for the National Transitional Council. Aid workers from the French
charity, Medecins Sans Frontieres, halted its
work in protest to the alleged torture of detainees by the new Libyan
regime, again in the notorious Tajoura prison. Sadly, the new Libya will be
preoccupied with its own torture accusations in the immediate future.
If anything, these cases form yet another strong argument
against the use of torture in difficult international investigations into
terrorism. As the Arab Spring has shown, secretly repressive governments in the
Middle-East do not necessarily remain 'secret,' or indeed as 'governments.'
Even if one is not morally opposed, it is now impossible to deny that condoning
torture can do as much harm as good in the long term. Should the allegations be
found to be true, Sir Mark Allen will personally pay the price, as could
Britain and Libya's promising diplomatic relationship. Worse still, the
investigation continues...
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